Pride

Passages

Every passage tagged with this emotion in the Vela corpus. Search the body text, narrow by source or register, click through to a book’s profile to see how the passage sits with the rest of the work.

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• From Martin Luther (2016)

  Some were twinned with a portrait of the area’s local evangelical reformer, showing his conformity to the Lutheran “brand.” The volumes of Luther’s works that now rolled off the presses featured a title page with an image of the Elector on one side, Luther on the other, and a crucifix in the middle, deliberately setting the reformer apart from Karlstadt and the Zwinglian iconophobes. It also yoked the truth of Lutheranism to the political identity of Saxony: The man who had called for a reformation of all Christendom inspired a cult of local patriotism. More of a designer than an artist, Cranach created a lasting visual style for Lutheran church art, changing the environment forever. His altarpieces popularized new iconographies in place of images of saints, like Jesus blessing the children, or visual representations of theological doctrines like law and the gospel, and he developed a didactic style that combined words and images. A whole culture of Lutheran objects developed, from Luther medals to earthenware beer jugs featuring the Pope as Antichrist or mocking stout monks. Luther’s apocalyptic rhetoric had become part of the new material consumption of a wealthy Lutheran middle class. 38 74. Lucas Cranach the Elder, Christ Blessing the Children, 1538. Luther was a brilliant hymn writer, and his introduction of sung hymns into the liturgy, with its engagement of the whole congregation—men, women, and children—transformed the place of music in religion. Hymn melodies became part of German musical culture, and would be intrinsic to the music of Bach. Bach’s Chorales, however, evened out their dancelike rhythms, creating a measured and somber style; Luther’s hymns were anything but dirgelike. 39 In his St. John Passion and St. Matthew Passion, which drew heavily on the tradition of Lutheran music, Bach dramatized Christ’s death in a highly emotional manner. In the St. Matthew Passion the angular melodic line spares the listener nothing of the viciousness of the Jews’ shouts of “Lass ihn kreuzigen” (“Let him be crucified”), and follows this with heartfelt individual meditations on Christ’s suffering; the implicit anti-Semitism of the glorious music can be hard to take. Yet Bach’s legacy shaped German music for centuries, as composers like Mozart, Beethoven, and Mendelssohn also turned to this profoundly Lutheran musician for inspiration. 75. Lucas Cranach the Elder, Law and Grace, 1529. Lutheranism was also part of the background to the greatest literary work of the sixteenth century: the story of Dr. Faustus, the scholar who sold his soul to the Devil. This had circulated as a folk tale, but the printed version of 1587 situated the doctor firmly in Wittenberg—and there were real-life parallels. In 1538, when Valerius Glockner, a wayward Wittenberg student, had confessed to making a pact with the Devil, Luther persuaded him to forswear Satan, saving him from a secular trial that might well have ended in his death.

• From Martin Luther (2016)

  Moreover, by remaining in Erfurt, he chose a different environment from the small town where he had been raised. A large and bustling urban community with 24,000 inhabitants, Erfurt was far bigger than Eisenach or Mansfeld, and something of the impression it made on Luther can be gauged in his gross overestimation of its size—he believed that it had “18,000 hearths,” which would have made it at least three times bigger than it really was. 5 Erfurt possessed grand ecclesiastical buildings. The cathedral still dominates the town, rising out of the vast arena of the town square and perched atop a grand series of steps like an Italian basilica. No urban structure could possibly rival it. This was a prosperous town—Luther guessed its income at a fabulous 80,000 guilders a year. 6 As he would put it later, “Erfurt is in the best place, it’s a gold mine, a city simply would have to be there, even if it burned down.” 7 The city’s powerful merchant elite had become prosperous on the profits of trade in woad, the dye that was used to color cloth blue and the fashionable black favored by richer townsfolk. With a large rural hinterland, it had impressive stores of grain, enough to tide its citizenry through difficult times. 8 Even so, Erfurt was not what it had once been. The city had never gained the civic freedoms it longed for. It wanted to be an imperial free city, like the fabled cities in the south—Nuremberg, Ulm, Augsburg, Strasbourg—that were subject to no lord but the emperor and were able to make their own laws. But it was caught between two rival powers, Saxony and the archbishopric of Mainz, both of which wanted to exploit its wealth. When the two were at loggerheads, the city could play them off against each other, but unfortunately for Erfurt, the election of Adalbert of Saxony to the archbishopric in 1482, and the absorption of the Thuringian lands into the patrimony of electoral Saxony, meant that the two now often acted in concert. Forced to pay a crippling indemnity and annual “protection money” to Saxony in 1483, its citizens were left burdened with taxes for a generation; by 1509 its civic debt had swelled to half a million guilders. To make things worse, a fire had destroyed large parts of the city in 1472, adding to the financial strain. 9 In such circumstances, it was easy for the clergy, who were exempt from taxation, to become the scapegoats for the town’s woes. Just how deep Erfurt’s anticlericalism ran would be revealed in the early years of the Reformation, when the town saw some of the earliest and most destructive anticlerical riots. It was also a town with turbulent internal politics. In 1509 there was a citizen revolt, as Erfurt became split between the patrician elite, who mainly supported Saxony and wanted its protection, and the populace, who inclined to Archbishop Uriel of Mainz.

• From A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell-Scott) (1957)

  ὑψηγορία, 7, big talking, stateliness of phrase, Philo 1.206, Longin. 8.1. ὑψηγορικός, 7, dv, disposed to talk big, Philes. ὑψ-ήγορος, ov, talking big, grandiloguent, vaunting, Aesch. Pr. 318, 360: sublime, Philo 1. 473. Adv. —pws, Clem. Al. 802. ὑψήεις, jeooa, ἢεν, poet. for ὑψηλός, Nic. Fr. 2. 62, Anth. P. 9. 525, 20 (Brunck). ὑψηλ-αυχενία, 7, a carrying the neck high, Xen. Eq. το, 13. ὑψηλο-βᾶτέω, to go or walk on high, Jo. Chrys. ὑψηλο-γνώμων, ov, gen. ovos, high-minded, proud, Themist. 190 D. ὑψηλο-κάρδιος, ον, high-hearted, proud, LXX (Prov. 16. 5). ὑψηλο-κάρηνος, ov, carrying the head high, Greg. Nyss. ὑψηλό-κρημνος, ον, with lofty cliffs, πέτραι Aesch. Pr. 5; cf. ὑψίκρημνος. ὑψηλολογέομαι, Dep. to talk high, speak proudly, Plat. Rep. 545 E, Themist. 291 A ;—but the Act., Ib. 354 C, Eccl. ὑψηλολογία, ἡ, high-talking, vaunting, Poll. 2. 121., 6. 148. ὑψηλο-λόγος, ov, talking high, vaunting, Themist. 26D, 262 A. ὑψηλό-λοφος, ov, v. ὑψήλοφος. ὑψηλό-νοος, ov, contr. -vous, οὐν, high-minded: τὸ ὑψηλόνουν Plat. Phaedr. 270 A, Plut. Pericl. 8, etc. ὑψηλό-νωτος, ov, high-backed, Schol. Aesch. Pr. 830. ὑψηλο-πέτης, ες, high-flying, Gloss. ὑὕψηλο-ποιός. dv, producing loftiness or sublimity, Longin. 28. 1., 32. 6. ὑψηλό-πους, 6, 7, neut. tour, high-footed, Antyll. Oribas. 235 Matth. ὑψηλός, 4, ὄν : Comp. and Sup. -ότερος, -ὄτατος, and irreg. -έστατος v. 1. Paus. 5. 13, 9: (ὕψι, twos) :—high, lofty, high-raised, Lat. altus, sublimis, Hom., Hdt., Trag., etc.; θάλαμος Od. 1. 426; πύργος Il. 3. 384, etc. ; of a highland country, χώρη ὀρεινὴ .. καὶ ὑψηλή Hdt. 1. 110; ὑψηλὰ χωρία Thuc. 3. 97; and ὑψηλά alone, Plat. Lege. 732C; ἐφ᾽ ὑψηλοῦ εἶναι Xen., Luc., etc.; ἐκ ὑψηλῷ εἶναι Plut. Eum. 17; ad’ ὑψη- λοῦ κρεμασθῆναι Plat. Theaet. 175 Ὁ ; ἀφ᾽ ὑψηλοτέρου καθορᾶν Xen. Hell. 6. 2, 29; ὑψηλότερον οἰκοδομεῖν [τὸ τεῖχος] Thuc. 7. 4 :—Adv., ὑψηλῶς κατακείμενος Pherecr. Inv. 1. II. metaph. high, lofty, stately, proud, ὄλβος, ἀρεταΐ, κλέος Pind. O. 2. 38., 5. 1, P. 3. 196, ete. ; τέχνη θεσπεσία τις καὶ ὕψ. Plat. Euthyd. 289 E; ty. καὶ χαύνη ἐλπίς Id. Epist. 341 ; ὑψηλὰ κομπεῖν to talk high and boastfully, Soph. Aj. 1230. 2. of persons, opp. to δυσδαίμων, Eur. Hel. 418; ἀφ᾽ ὑὕψη- λῶν βραχὺν ᾧκισε Id. Heracl. 613 ; ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐμοῖς κακοῖς bw. εἶναι Id. Hipp. 730; ἐπὶ τούτοις ip. ἐξαίρειν αὑτόν Plat. Rep. 494 Ὁ, cf. Andoc. 24. 18, Aeschin. 51. 24: so, πνεῦμα ὑψηλὸν αἴρειν Eur. Supp. 555;

• From A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell-Scott) (1957)

  φρυάσσομαι, Att. -rropar: fut. ξομαι : Dep. Properly of spirited, high-fed horses, to neigh, whinny and prance, Call. Lav. Pall. 2, Anth. P. 5. 202; cf. Thom. M. gol; op. πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας to neigh eagerly for the race, Plut. Lyc. 22 ;—also of other animals, even of a cock in Ael. N. A. 7.7; cf. φριμάσσομαι. 2. metaph. of men, fo be wanton, unruly, haughty, insolent, Alciphro 3. 27, Philo 1.151, 297, al.; μὴ γαῦρα φρυάσσου Anth. P. 12. 33; ἔρωτες φρυασσόμενοι Id. Plan. 215 :—p. ἐπί τινι to be proud of a thing, Diod. 4. 74, ubi v. Wessel., and cf. Wetstein ad Act. 4. 25; ἔν τινι Anth. P. 4. 3, 27; κατά τινος Manass. Chron. 451. II. the Act. φρυάσσω occurs only in Lxx and N. T. (Ps. 2.1, Act. Ap. 1. ο., cf. Christ. Pat. 2409) as a neut. verb, in pass. sense, cf. Hesych.; whereas φρυάττομαι is cited by Suid. from Menand. 5 -- καξαπλήττω. φρυγᾶνίζομαι, Dep. to gather sticks for fuel, Eccl.:—the Act. in Poll. 7.142. φρυγᾶνικός, 7, dv, -- φρυγανώδης, Theophr. H. P. 6.1, 1; φρυγανικώ- Tata τῇ προσόψει Id. C. P. 3. 7, 11. φρῦὕγάνιον, τό, Dim. of φρύγανον, Diosc. 3. 105. φρῦγᾶνίς, ίδος, ἡ, -- φρύγανον, Eust. 862. 33. φρυγᾶνισμός, 6, a gathering of dry sticks for fuel, a collecting fire- wood, ἐπὶ op. ἐξελθεῖν Thuc. 7. 4, cf.13; coupled with Aayaveia, Joseph. B. J. 4.9, 8. φρυγᾶνιστήρ, jpos, ὁ, one who gathers fire-wood, Poiyaen. 1. 18 :— the fem. φρυγανίστρια in Ar. Fr. 618. pdyavitts, ἐδος, special fem. of φρυγανικός, ὕλη Heliod. 9. 8. φρὕγᾶνο-ειδής, ἔς, -- φρυγανώδης, Diosc. 3. 38. φρύγᾶνον [Ὁ], τό, (φρύγω) a dry stick; mostly in pl. dry sticks, brush- wood, fire-wood, Lat. sarmenta, virguita, Hdt. 4. 62, Ar. Av. 642, Thuc. 3. 111, Ken. An. 4. 3, 113 cf. φρύγω τ: φρυγάνοις καὶ λίθοις περιφράξαντες Arist. H. A. 8.20, 5:—the sing. only in collective sense = τὰ φρύγανα, μαντικῶς τὸ pp. τίθεσθαι Ar. Pax 1026; τὸ. φρ. ἐπικαίουσι Plut. 2. 553 C. II. Theophr., H. P. 1. 3, 1, makes φρύγανα, shrubs, a class distinct from δένδρα, θάμνοι. πόαι. φρυγᾶνο-φόρος, ov, gathering dry sticks, Lys. ap. Poll. 7. 130. Hpiyavadys, ες, (εἶδος) like switches or twigs, shrubby, Lat. ferulaceus, Theophr. H. P. 6.6, 2, Diosc. 4. 48, 162: τὰ pp. shrubby plants, Theophr. ISIGIES Mg Bylo ; φρύγετρον [Ὁ], τό, (φρύγω) a vessel for roasting barley in, prob. like our coffee-roasters, Polyzel. Acov. 1 :—Solon ordained that brides should carry one in the bridal procession, as a symbol of household duties, Poll. 1. 246., 6. 64; so Rom. brides farreum praeferebant (cf. confarreatio), Plin. 18. 3. II. a stick to stir barley while roasting, Hesych. dpiyets, dws, 6, (φρύγω) a vessel for roasting, like φρύγετρον, Theopomp. Com. Sep. 4. 11. one who roasts, Poll. 7. 181, who also has the Verb φρυγεύω = φρύγω. 10 fr 1696 hpiyla, ἡ, (ppvyw) a female roaster, Hesych. the asplenium kind, ap. Diosc, 3. 151; cf. φρυγῖτιϑ.

• From A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell-Scott) (1957)

  φιλόπολις, 6, 7, poet. φιλόπτολις Eur. Rhes. 158: acc. φιλόπολιν Pind. O. 4. 26, Plat. Apol. 24 B, Isocr. 17 E, Xen., etc.; pl. φιλοπόλεις Aesch. Theb. 176; but also gen. φιλοπόλιδος Plat. Rep. 470 D; pl. -ππόλιδες, -πόλιδας Ib. 470 Ὁ, 502 E; cf. Lob. Phryn. 607: te loving the city, θεοί Aesch. 1. c. ΤΙ. loving one’s city, patriotic, Ar. Pl. 726 (where there is a play on the first sense), goo, Thuc. 2. 60., 6. 92, Plat., etc. ; . ᾿Ασυχία Pind. l.c.; . ἀρετή patriotism, Ar. Lys. 547; τὸ φιλόπολι patriotism, Thuc. 6.92.—At Athens, φιλόπατρις was used of a Greek patriot (in general), φιλόπολις of an Athenian, Stallb. Plat. Apol. 1. c. φιλοπολίτης [1], ov, 6, loving one’s fellow-citizens, Plut. Lycurg. 20, Flamin. 13, etc. ΤΙ. fond of cities, Basil. φίλοπολύγελως, wros, 6, ἧ, loving much laughter: poét, φιλοπουλύ- yedws Anth. P. 5. 243. dtAotrovew, 20 love labour, work hard, be laborious or industrious, Xen. Cyr. 1. 6, 8, etc.; τι in a thing, Plat. Rep. 535 Ὁ :--ατὸ φιλοπονεῖν Ξε φιλοπονία, Xen. Oec. 21, 6, Philem. Incert. 102 ; τὸ περὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν p. Isocr. 12 B:—also Med., φιλοπονεῖσθαι περί τινος Arist. Rhet. 3. 2, 8, Theopomp. Hist. 260. φϊλοπόνημα, τό, a labour of love, Phot. Bibl. gg. 21., 292. 37. II. φιλοπαίσμων ---- φιλορχικός. φϊλοπονηρία, ἣ, a love of bad men and actions, Theophr. Char. 29, Plut., etc. φϊλοπόνηρος, ov, a friend to bad men, Plut. Alcib. 24, Poll. 6. 168. φϊλοπονητέον, verb. Adj. one must be industrious, Greg. Naz. φιλοπονία, 4%, love of labour, laboriousness, industry, Plat. Rep. 535 C, D; φιλ, καὶ καρτερία Id. Alc. 1.122 C; ἡ περί τι φ. Isocr.12 A: pl., Id, Antid. § 310, Polyb., εἴς. ; Φ. τινός laborious practice of a thing, Dem. 1408. 21; so, φ. ἐν τοῖς γυμνασίοις Id. 1409. 11. φϊλοπονικός, ἡ, όν, inclined to love work, Cosmas. Opusc. 289. 16. φιλόπονος, ov, loving labour, laborious, industrious, Hipp. Aér. 280, Soph. Aj. 879, Plat., etc. ; πρός τι ΑΕ]. V. H. 1.12; opp. to ἄπονος, Plat. Rep. 535 C; φ. τῷ σώματι Isocr. 11 A; φ. περί τι Xen. Mem. 3. 4, 9: —Sup. -wraros Isocr. 127 Ὁ :—of dogs, Xen. Mem. 4. 1, 3, Poll. 5. 60: --- τὸ p.=pidorovia, Plut. 2. 88 Ὁ. 2. of things, tozlsome, laborious, πόλεμος Xen. Cyr. 7. 5, 47: φιλόπονόν [ἐστι], c. inf., Id. Cyn. 6, 8 :— Adv. —K@s, Eust. _Adv., φιλοπόνως ἔχειν πρός τι Id. Hell. 6. 1,43 φ. ἔπραξα Dem. 292. 25: Comp. -ὦτερον Isocr. 204 A; Sup. -wrata, Polyb. Io. 41, 3. φϊλοπόντιος, ov, loving the sea, Sophronius in Mai Spic. Rom. 4. lot. iAdTopvos, ov, loving harlots or whoredom, Eccl. φιλοπόρφῦὕρος, ov, loving purple, Clem. Al. 257. φϊιλοποσία, ἡ, love of drinking, fondness for wine, Lat. vinolentia,

• From A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell-Scott) (1957)

  ἀνδρεῖος, a, ov, lon. --ἤιος, ἡ, ov, but Hdt. keeps the common form in the Comp. and Sup. ἀνδρειότερος, -ὅτατος, 1. 79, 123: (ἀνήρ) :--- of or for a man, στέγη Aesch. Fr. 123; θαϊμάτια Ar. Eccl. 75; opp. to γυναικεῖος, Id. Thesm. 154, Plat., Xen.; πέπλοι Theocr. 28. 10 (where dvdpéior) ; αὐλός (v. αὐλός) Hdt. 1.17; dvdp. ἀγορά the men’s market, Inscr. Cyz. in C. I. 3657; (so, γυναικεία dy. Menand. Svvap. 7); ἀνδρεῖος (sc. σύλλογος) Inscr. Dor. in C.1. 2448. 1. 24; ἀνδρεία ἠμπίσχετο vestem virilem, Diog. L. 3. 40. II. manly, mas- culine, courageous, Hdt. 7. 153, and freq. in Att.; even γυνή Arist. Pol. 1. 13, 3., 3. 4, 17; and in bad sense, stubborn, ἀναίσχυντος καὶ ἀνδρ. τὰ τοιαῦτα Luc. Indoct. 3 :—neut. τὸ ἀνδρεῖον = ἀνδρεία, Thuc. 2. 393 καὶ τοῦτο δὴ τἀνδρεῖον this is true courage, Eur. Supp. 510; ἔβη- σαν πρὸς τἀνδρεῖον (like πρὸς ἀλκὴν τρέπεσθαι), Id. Andr. 683 :—Advy. -ws, Ar. Pax 408, al.; Sup. -ότατα, Plat. Polit. 262 A. 2. οἵ animals, Arist. H. A. I. 1, 32, cf. Plat. Lach. 196 D and E. 3. of things, strong, vigorous, λαφυγμός, Eupol. Κόλ. 12; ἔργον Ar. Vesp. 1200; θήρατρον Ael. V. H. 1. 1. III. ἀνδρεῖα, τά, the public meals of the Cretans, also the older name for the Spartan φειδίτια or φιλίτια (4. v.), Aleman 37, Arist. Pol. 2. 10, 5 (where, as in Plut. Lycurg. 12, it is written ἄνδριαν, cf. Miller Dor. 4. 3, 3:—also, τὸ ἀνδρήϊον, Cretan for the public hall, Inscrr. Cret. in C. 1. 2554. 51., 2550. 38. ἀνδρειότηϑ, 770s, ἧ, -- ἀνδρεία, Xen. An. 6. 5, 14, Tim. Locr. 103 D. ἀνδρει-φόντηξ, ov, ὁ, (φονεύων) man-slaying, always as epith. of the god of war, Il. 2. 651, etc.: cf. ἀνδροφόνος. ἀνδρειών, 6, poét. for ἀνδρεών, ἀνδρών. ἀνδρ-εράστρια, 7, a woman that is fond of men, At. Thesm. 392. Gv5pevpevos, 7, ov, Ion. for ἀνδρούμενος. ἀνδρεύομαι, Dep. = ἀνδρίζομαι, E. M. 599. 17. ἀνδρεών, ἀνδρηίη, ἀνδρήιος, Ion. for ἀνδρών, --δρεία, - δρεῖος. ἀνδρηλἄτέω, fut. now, to banish from house and home, ἐϊς γῆς τῆσδε Aesch. Ag. 1419; ἐκ πόλεως τε καὶ δόμων Soph. O. T. 100, cf. Eum. 221, Plat. Rep. 565 E, etc.:—Pass., Dio C. 47. 19. Cf. sq. ἀνδρηλάτης [ἃ], ov, 6, (ἐλαύνω) he that drives one from his home, esp. the avenger of blood in cases of murder, Aesch, Theb. 637, cf. Ruhnk. Tim., Miller Eumen. § 44. ἀνϑρία, v. sub ἀνδρεία. 11. ἄνδρια, τά, v. sub ἀνδρεῖος. ἀνδϑριαντάριον, τό, Dim. of ἀνδριάς, Schol. Luc. Lexiph. 3. ἀνδριαντίσκος, 6, Dim. of ἀνδριάς, a puppet, Plut. Thes. 20, etc. ἀνδριαντο-γλύφος, 4, a carver of statues, Tzetz. Lyc. 615. ἀνϑδριαντο-ειδής, és, like a statue, Clem. Al. 40. ἀνδριαντο-εργάτης, ov, ὁ, -- ἀνδριαντοποιός, Tzetz. Hist. 10. 268. ἀνδριαντο-θήκη, ἡ, a niche for a statue, C. 1. 2749. 1. ἀνϑριαντο-πλάστη, ov, 6, a modeller of statues, Eust. 206. 37. ἀνδριαντο-πλαστική (sc. τέχνη), ἡ, the art of modelling, Sext. Emp. M. 11. 188.

• From A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell-Scott) (1957)

  ἕλετός, 7, dv, (ἑλεῖν) that can be taken or caught, Il. 9. 409. ἐλευθερία, Ion. -ty, ἡ, freedom, liberty, Pind. P. 1. 119, Hdt. 1. 62, 95, Aesch. Cho. 809, 863, etc.; δι ἐλευθερίας μόλις ἐξῆλθες, i.e. μόλις ἐλευθερώθης, Soph. El. 1509; ὑπάρχειν ἐλευθερίας τῇ “Ἑλλάδι Andoc. 18. 34: freedom from a thing, ἀπό τινος Plat. Legg. 698 A; τινός Rep. 329 σ. 2. licence, ἀκολασία καὶ ἐλ. Id. Gorg. 492 6. 8. later = ἐλευθεριότης. 4. the name of a dance, ap. Sext. Emp. Μ. 1. 293. ἐλευθέρια (sc. ἱερά), Ta, the feast of Liberty, held every five years at Plataea, in memory of the battle there, Posidipp. Incert. 3, Diod. 11. 29, Paus. g. 2, 6, etc. ; at Syracuse, in memory of the restoration of the re- public, Diod. 11. 72; at Samos, in honour of Eros, Ath. 562 A; generally, ἐλ. θύειν Henioch. Incert. 1. 10. ἐλευθέριάζω, to speak or act like a freeman, Plat. Legg. 701 E, Arist. Pol. 5. 11,133; ἐλ. τοῖς λόγοις Plut. 2. 6 E; ἐλευθεριάξαντας (Dor. aor.) ap. Diog. L. 1. 113. ἐλευθερικός, 7, dv, free, πολιτεία Plat. Legg. 701 E; τὸ ἐλευθερικὸν καὶ τὸ ἀνελεύθερον Ib. g10 E. ἐλευθέριος, ov, also a, ov, Xen. Symp. 8, 16 :—speaking or acting like a freeman, free-spirited, frank, related to ἐλεύθερος as Lat. liberalis to liber, Plat. Gorg. 485 Β, al.; ἀνδρεῖοι καὶ ἐλ. Id. Legg. 635 C; opp. to δουλοπρεπής, Xen. Mem. 2. 8, 4: of certain animals, as the lion, ἐλ. καὶ ἀνδρεῖα καὶ εὐγενῆ Arist. H. A. 1. 1, 321. b. esp. freely giving, bountiful, liberal, ἐλ. eis χρήματα Id. Symp. 4, 15, cf. Arist. Eth. N. 4. Uy τ- 2. of pursuits, etc., fit for a freeman, liberal, πτηνῶν θήρας «- ἔρως οὐ σφόδρα ἐλ. Plat. Legg. 823 E; ἐπιστῆμαι Id. Ax. 369 Β ; Bios Menand. Tok. 7; διαγωγή Arist. Pol. 8.5, 8; παιδεία Ib. 8. 3, το; πρᾶξις, ἔργα Ib. 2. 5,10; τὸ ἐλευθέριον = ἐλευθεριότης. Xen. Mem. 3. Io, 5; proverb., ὕδωρ πίοιμι ἐλευθέριον, i.e. may I becorne free, because slaves set free at Argos were then first allowed to drink of the spring Κυ- νάδρα, Antiph. ᾿Αλειπτρ. 1. 4, cf. Meineke ad 1. 3. of appearance, free, noble, εὐπρεπής τε ἰδεῖν καὶ ἐλ. Xen. Mem. 2. 1, 22, cf. Eq. 10, 17, [τ ΞΕ ἘΠ ΑἹ το 115032. II. the Adv. -ἴως, Comp. -τώτερον, Sup. -ιώτατα, appears in all the above senses, Xen. Mem. 4.8, 1, etc. 111. Ζεὺς Ἔλ. Zeus the Deliverer, Pind. Ο. 12. 1, Simon. 144, Hdt. 3. 142. ἐλευθεριότης, ητος, ἧ, the character of an ἐλευθέριος, esp. freeness in giving, liberality, Plat. Rep. 402 C, Arist. Eth. N. 4. 1, 1; ἡ τῶν χρη- μάτων ἐλ. Plat. Theaet. 144 Ὁ. ἐλευθερό-παις, ὁ, 7, having free children, i.e. a free man, Anth. Plan. 359- ἐλευθερο-ποιός, dv, making free, Arr. Epict. 4. 1, 176. ἐλευθερο-πραξία, ἡ, freeness in acting, licence, Or. Sib. 2. p. 190.

• From Martin Luther (2016)

  This time he was conducted to a yet larger hall that was still so overcrowded that even some of the princes had to stand. Luther remembered the scene as dark, lit only by burning torches. The imperial orator repeated the questions he had asked the day before. Again, Luther replied in a modest voice, first in Latin, then in German, styling himself as “a man accustomed not to courts but to the cells of monks.” Formally addressing the emperor and the Electors, he begged pardon if he accorded anyone a less honorable title than they merited—a rhetorical breach of protocol that allowed him to try to create a more level playing field. He acknowledged that he had written the books but they were not all of the same kind. In some he had preached God’s Word simply and clearly. In others he had attacked the false teachings of the Roman Church. In a third kind of book he had written against some private “and (as they say) distinguished individuals”—a jibe Luther could not resist—who had wanted to protect papal tyranny. 44 He could not revoke the books that discussed “religious faith and morals simply and evangelically, so that even my enemies themselves are compelled to admit that these are useful, harmless, and clearly worthy to be read by Christians.” Nor could he contradict what he wrote against the Pope’s idolatry and tyranny, for he did not wish to “add…strength to this tyranny and I should have opened not only windows but doors to such great godlessness,” continuing pointedly: “especially if it should be reported that this evil deed had been done by me by virtue of the authority of your most serene majesty and of the whole Roman Empire.” The third kind of book he also could not revoke, for there he attacked the advocates and protectors of the papacy, and although in these works he was “more biting” than his religion and profession demanded, “I do not set myself up as a saint.” 45 Therefore he was ready to be “taught,” as soon as anyone was able to “expose my errors, overthrowing them by the writings of the prophets and the evangelists”—the line that Friedrich’s negotiators had taken all along. If this could be done—and of course Luther was confident it could not—he would be the first to throw his books onto the flames. With regard to the “excitement and dissensions aroused in the world as a result of my teachings,” he echoed the passage in the Ninety-five Theses where he had written, “Away then with all those prophets who say to the people of Christ, ‘Peace, peace,’ and there is no peace!” He added: “To see excitement and dissension arise because of the Word of God is to me clearly the most joyful aspect of all in these matters.

• From Martin Luther (2016)

  38 On June 25, ten days after Charles’s arrival, the confession was formally handed to him. The evangelicals had wanted it read in full session of the Diet, but then news arrived of yet another planned attack by the Turks on Vienna, from where they had been driven away in 1529, and Ferdinand, the emperor’s brother, succeeded in getting the issue of religion shelved while this important matter was discussed. Instead it was presented to the Catholic princes and the emperor in the chapel of the bishop’s palace. For Spalatin, the confession’s comprehensive and systematic presentation of the Lutheran faith—setting out “all articles of faith, next to what is taught, preached and thought”—was one of “the greatest achievements that had ever happened on earth.” 39 The plan had been to read out the confession in both Latin and German, but in the event it was presented only in German, and even that took a full two hours. 40 Jonas reported that the emperor looked attentive as he listened, although he could not understand a word of German, as Jonas well knew. Forcing Charles to listen to the Saxon chancellor Christian Beyer read aloud a complex theological text in a language he could not understand was hardly politically wise, but for Luther, it was the high point of the Diet. He praised the reading through which the princes themselves “preach unhindered before [His] Imperial Majesty and the whole empire, right under our opponents’ noses, so that they have to listen to it and are unable to say anything against it.” 41 It was finally a positive contrast to his appearance at Worms, where Luther had not been able to give a full and comprehensive statement of his theology. Luther was sent the confession only after it had been presented to the emperor, however, and he complained that if he had written it, he would not have made so many concessions. He dashed off a letter that started by congratulating Melanchthon but then objected that he was going against Holy Scripture because Christ is the stone that the builders cast aside, that is, he should expect to be despised and cast aside. 42 There was little else he could now do. He saw himself as an unrecognized war hero, like the commanders at Vienna the year before, who got “no credit” for driving off the Turks. “Yet I am pleased and comforted that in the meantime this, my Vienna, has been defended by others.” 43 Presenting the confession was just the beginning, however, as Charles immediately commissioned a refutation from Catholic theologians. Chief among them was Johannes Eck, Luther’s old adversary at Leipzig and the man responsible for the martyrdom of Leonhard Kaiser. The confutatio was read in the full session of the Diet on August 3 but only to the secular estates, and the evangelicals were not given a copy.

• From Martin Luther (2016)

  30 He punned with the name of his adversary, Thomas Murner, christening him the “cat fool” ( Mur means “tomcat” in German, and Narr means “fool”). It made excellent cartoon material, and soon their grotesque portraits decorated the cheap pamphlets. Turning one’s opponents into animals denies them the status of worthy intellectual antagonists, and laughter removed some constraints on aggression—on both sides. 26. This title-page woodcut of a book by Johannes Agricola, a supporter of Luther’s, from 1522 features caricatures of six Roman Catholics: Johannes Eck (with fool’s cap), Jerome Aleander (as lion), Augustin von Alveld (as donkey), Dam (as pig), Thomas Murner (as cat), and Hieronymus Emser (as goat). Luther’s immersion in this kind of polemic took place at the same time as his personal devotion was changing from contemplation to engagement. It was as if his rational authorial manner had suddenly matured from a thin “head voice” into a rich bass coming from the belly, mobilizing the playful, nonrational aspects of his personality, and with them the emotional engagements that were needed to accomplish a spiritual revolution of this order, capable of transforming people at the most personal level. — B Y 1520, therefore, after the rupture with Staupitz and the routines of monasticism, and with martyrdom becoming ever more likely, something profound in Luther’s religiosity was beginning to shift. He now published three treatises that together mounted a coherent assault on the entire edifice of the Catholic Church, articulating the positions he would elaborate for the rest of his life. They are by any measure an extraordinary achievement. 27. Title page of The Great Lutheran Fool, by Thomas Murner, 1522. Here Murner tried to turn Luther’s epithet to his advantage, showing Luther as a large fool around whom demons flutter, while Murner is represented as the doughty cat defending Catholic truth. Just how far he had come in the year since Leipzig is apparent if we look at his position on papal power. In 1519, Luther had stated in passing that, in the face of death and necessity, every priest is a bishop and pope. 31 He had not yet reached the point of articulating the priesthood of all believers. But in 1520, in On the Freedom of a Christian he writes with breathtaking simplicity: “Hence all of us who believe in Christ are priests and kings in Christ, as I Pet. 2[:9] says: ‘You are a chosen race, God’s own people, a royal priesthood, a priestly kingdom, that you may declare the wonderful deeds of him who called you out of darkness into his marvellous light.’ ” 32 The writings of 1520 reflect a new, relaxed style, in spite of the pressure he was under. They radiate confidence and certainty. Up to this point Luther had specialized in writing theses—compact, pointed, and well-defended sets of propositions—lectures and sermons. Now he developed a form of writing that could breathe and engage the reader.

• From The Things They Carried (1990)

  casualties came in, Mary Anne wasn't afraid to get her hands bloody. At times, in fact, she seemed fascinated by it. Not the gore so much, but the adrenaline buzz that went with the job, that quick hot rush in your veins when the choppers settled down and you had to do things fast and right. No time for sorting through options, no thinking at all; you just stuck your hands in and started plugging up holes. She was quiet and steady. She didn't back off from the ugly cases. Over the next day or two, as more casualties trickled in, she learned how to clip an artery and pump up a plastic splint and shoot in morphine. In times of action her face took on a sudden new composure, almost serene, the fuzzy blue eyes narrowing into a tight, intelligent focus. Mark Fossie would grin at this. He was proud, yes, but also amazed. A different person, it seemed, and he wasn't sure what to make of it. Other things, too. The way she quickly fell into the habits of the bush. No cosmetics, no fingernail filing. She stopped wearing jewelry, cut her hair short and wrapped it in a dark green bandanna. Hygiene became a matter of small consequence. In her second week Eddie Diamond taught her how to disassemble an M-16, how the various parts worked, and from there it was a natural progression to learning how to use the weapon. For hours at a time she plunked away at C-ration cans, a bit unsure of herself, but as it turned out she had a real knack for it. There was a new confidence in her voice, a new authority in the way she carried herself. In many ways she remained naive and immature, still a kid, but Cleveland Heights now seemed very far away. Once or twice, gently, Mark Fossie suggested that 1t might be time to think about heading home, but Mary Anne laughed and told him to forget it. "Everything I want," she said, "is right here." She stroked his arm, and then kissed him. On one level things remained the same between them. They slept together. They held hands and made plans for after the war. But now there was a new imprecision in the way Mary Anne expressed her thoughts on certain subjects. Not necessarily three kids, she'd say. Not necessarily a house on Lake Erie. "Naturally we'll still get married," she'd tell him, "but it doesn't have to be right away. Maybe travel first. Maybe live together. Just test it out, you know?"

• From Martin Luther (2016)

  And only someone with a sense of humor, a stubborn realism, and a remarkable ability to engage the deepest loyalties of others could have avoided the martyrdom that threatened. The Reformation is often lauded as heralding the arrival of modernity, the freedom of the individual, or, alternatively, the growth of a confessional world that yoked religious to political identity. I hope to have shown that none of these views do justice to Luther or to the movement he started. Luther was not “modern,” and unless we appreciate his thought in its own unfamiliar and often uncomfortable terms, we will not see what it might have to offer us today. What Luther meant by “freedom” and by “conscience” were not what we mean by these words now. It had nothing to do with allowing people to follow their conscience; it meant our capacity to know with God, a knowledge he believed to be objective truth. Luther split the Church and ushered in the denominational era, but he was always a maverick thinker who did not believe in following rules or in devising courts to impose morality. He was a man who retained a healthy mistrust of Reason, “the whore.” B OTH M ÜNTZER AND Luther interpreted the events of the Peasants’ War as a sacred drama and drew upon apocalyptic rhetoric: The Devil was raging, presaging the Last Days. But whereas Müntzer believed that the Last Days were imminent and must be ushered in with the sword, Luther never predicted a specific date. His apocalyptic language was more of a rhetorical intensifier than a literal prediction. He imbued his own times with significance as he identified the Pope as the Antichrist, but such language paradoxically also helped make the present seem less important compared with the divine drama of the coming end of the world. It never, however, led Luther to retreat from engagement with the present, nor did it lead him to attempt to overthrow the existing order. 1 Equally, while Müntzer, at least at first, seems to have believed that the seriousness of these exceptional times demanded sexual abstinence from the godly and complete dedication to the divine, Luther drew the opposite conclusion. He decided to annoy the Devil by committing a particularly large sin: He got married. Moreover, his choice of wife was the most provocative possible, which he knew would enrage the Devil—and the Catholics—most. He married a nun. From 1523, groups of nuns, convinced by evangelical teachings against monasticism, had begun leaving their convents and arrived in Wittenberg, where it fell to Luther to find lodgings for them and even provide them with new clothes. 2 He was not entirely innocent in all this. That year, Leonhard Koppe, a businessman and a relation of his friend Amsdorf, smuggled a group of nuns out of the Nimbschen convent in Duke Georg’s territory and over the border to Wittenberg, hiding them among barrels of herrings.

• From A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell-Scott) (1957)

  κρείσσων, ον, gen. ονος, as always in Ep. and old Att.: later Att. κρείτ- των: later Ion. κρέσσων, as also in Pind.; Dor. kaéppwv :—Comp. of κρατύς (v. κράτιστοΞ), stronger, mightier, esp. in battle, xp. βασιλεύς, ὅτε χώσεται ἀνδρὶ χέρηι 1]. 1. 80; κρείσσοσιν ἶφι μάχεσθαι 21. 486; Διὸς κρ. νόος ἠέπερ ἀνδρῶν τό. 688; κεραυνοῦ κρέσσον .. βέλος Pind. I. 8 (7). 72, cf. Hdt. 7.172, etc.; “ρείσσων χεῖρας Antipho 128. 39) etc. : —hence, having the upper hand, superior, ὁππότερος δέ κε νικήσῃ mp. τε γένηται 1]. 3. 71; mp. ἀρετῇ τε Bin τε 23. 578. 2. in sense often as Comp. of ἀγαθός, better, of κρέσσονες one’s betters, esp. in point of rank, Pind. O. τὸ (11). 47, N. το. 136 (but also the stronger, more powerful, Bur. Or. 710, Thuc. 1.8, etc.); κρείσσονες θεοΐ, of the greater Gods, as opp. to Oceanus, Aesch. Pr. 902, cf. Fr. 7; 6 xp. Ζεύς Id. Ag. 60; so, τὰ κρείσσω Eur. Ion 973; τὸ Kp. Plat. Soph. 216 B, Anon. ap. Suid. :---τὰ κρείσσονα one’s advantages, τὰ ὑπάρχοντα ἡμῖν κρείσσονα καταπροδοῦναι Thuc. 4. 1ο. 8. ο. inf., οὔτις ἐμεῖο κρείσσων .. δόμεναι no one is better, has a better right to.., Od. 21. 345; οὖκ ἄλ- hos Kp. παραμυθεῖσθαι Plat. Polit. 268 Β :---κρεῖσσόν ἐστι, c. inf., ’tis better to.., Kp. yap ἐστιν εἰσάπαξ θανεῖν ἢ... πάσχειν κακῶς Aesch. Ag. 750, cf. Pr. 624, Hdt. 3. 52, etc.; τὸ μὴ εἶναι κρ. ἢ τὸ ζῆν κακῶς Soph. Fr. 436; but also κρείσσων εἰμι, c. part., as, Kp. yap ἦσθα μηκέτ᾽ ὧν ἢ ζῶν τυφλός thou wert better not alive, than living blind, Soph. O. T. 1368, cf. Lob. Aj. 622 (635); Kp. ἣν 6 ἀγὼν μὴ γεγενημένος Aeschin. 27. 16. II. too great for, surpassing, beyond, ὕψος κρεῖσσον ἐκπηδήματος Aesch. Ag. 1376; of evil deeds, κρείσσον᾽ ἀγχόνης too bad for hanging, Soph. O.'T.1374; κρεῖσσον δεργμάτων too bad to look on, Eur. Hipp. 1217; θαύματος Bacch. 667; κρείσσον᾽ ἢ λέξαι τολμήματα Supp. 844; Kp. ἢ λόγοισιν (sc. εἰπεῖν) I. T. 837; ἀναρχία xp. πυρός Hec. 608; πρᾶγμα ἐλπίδος xp. γεγενημένον worse than one expected, Thuc. 2.64; κρεῖττον λόγου τὸ κάλλος Xen. Mem. 3. 11,1; Kp. τῆς ἡμετέρας δυνάμεως Id. Cyr. 7. 5, 9. TIL. having power over, master of, esp. of desires and passions, τοῦ ἔρωτος Ib. 6. 1, 343 γαστρὸς καὶ κερδῶν Ib. 4. 2, 453 αὑτῶν over themselves, Plat. Phaedr. 232 A, al.; «p. χρημάτων superior to the influence of money, Thuc. 2. 60, Isocr. 5 E; so, τῶν συμμάχων «p. Xen. Ath. 2, 1:—also, putting oneself above, kp. τοῦ δικαίου Thuc. 3.84; κρείσσους ὄντες .. TH λογισμῷ és TO ἀνέλπιστον τοῦ βεβαίου having reasoned themselves into an absolute belief of the hopelessness of anything like certainty, Ib. 83; φαύλους καὶ κρείττους THs παιδείας -- οὖς παιδευθῆναι ἀδύνατον (just below), Arist. Pol. 5. 12, 8. IV. in Att. Prose in moral sense, better, more excellent, 6 κρείττων λόγος Ar. Nub. 113 sq.; v. sub ἥσσων. Vv. Adv. κρεισσόνως, Antipho 128. 34 Bekk.; also κρεῖσσον, Soph. O. T. 176. (μρείσσων serves as one of the Comparatives of ἀγαθός : but the true Posit. is κρατύς (κράτος) and the orig. form must have been Kpatiwy or κρατγων ; cf. ἥσσων, ἐλάσσων.)

• From A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell-Scott) (1957)

  κρατέω, fut. 7ow:—Med., aor. ἐπι-κρατησάμενοι Galen. :—Pass., fut. πρατηθήσομαι Thuc. 3. 30: (Kparos). To be strong, mighty, power- ful: hence, 1. absol. to rule, hold sway, be sovereign, absol., Ἤλιδα... ὅθι Kparéovow ᾿Ἐπειοί Od. 13. 275., 15. 298 ; μέγα κρατέων ἤνασσε with mighty sway.., Il. τό. 172; ἅπας δὲ τραχύς, ὅστις ἂν νέον κρατῇ Aesch. Pr. 35; 6 κρατῶν the ruler, Id. Ag. 951, τ664, Soph. Ant. 738, etc., cf. θώπτω; of κρατοῦντες Aesch. Cho. 265, Soph. O. T. 530, etc.; 76 κρατοῦν Eur. Andr. 133, Plat. Legg. 714 ΟἹ ἡ κρατοῦσα the lady of the house, Aesch. Cho. 734. 2. in Poets c. dat. to rule among, μέγα κρατέεις νεκύεσσιν Od. 11. 4853; ἀνδράσι καὶ θεοῖσι 16. 265; also, xp. Φθίᾳ to rule in Phthia, Pind. N. 4. 81; ἐν Ἰλιάδι χθονί Eur. El. 4; cf. ἀνάσσω. 3. c. gen. to be lord or master of, ruler over, πάντων ᾿Αργείων, πάντων 1]. 1.79, 288, cf. Od. 15. 274, Aesch. Pr. 150, etc.; κρ. δωμάτων Id. Ag. 1673; ὅπλων Soph. Aj. 13373 «p. βίου to be master of .., Andoc. 18.5; κ. αὑτοῦ Soph. Aj. 1099, cf.O.C. 405, Antipho 132.31; ἡδονῶν καὶ ἐπιθυμιῶν Plat. Symp. 196 C, etc.; τῶν πραγμάτων Dem. 25. fin.; κρατεῖν τοῦ μὴ πείθεσθαι Tots νόμοις to be above obedience .. , Xen. Lac. 4, 6. IT. to conquer, prevail, get the upper hand, absol., Aesch. Ag. 324, etc.; πολλῷ ἐκρά- τησαν Hdt. 5. 77; εἰ τὰ τοῦ Μήδου κρατήσειε Thuc. 3. 62; ὁ μὴ πειθόμενος κρατεῖ Plat. Phaedr. 272 B; ἔνθα τἀναιδὲς κρατεῖ Diphil. Incert. 29, etc. ;—c. dat. modi, Κρ. γνώμῃ to prevail in opinion, Hdt. 9. 42; mada, ἱπποδρομίᾳ Pind. O. 8. 26, 1.3.21; τῇ μάχῃ Eur. H.F. 612; ταῖς ναυσί Ar. Ach. 648 ;—also, @ovpiw ἐν “Ape Soph. Aj. 614; ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις Ar. Pl. 184 ;—also c. acc. cogn., xp. νίκην Eur. in Bgk. Lyr. p. 434; τὸν ἀγῶνα Dem. 520. fin.; THY μάχην Diod. 18.30; πάντα in all things, Soph. O. T. 1522; cf. νικάω fin. :—of κρατοῦντες the con- guerors, Xen. An. 3. 2, 26, etc.; (a phrase applied by Eccl. writers to the Christians, prob. from 2 Thess. 2. 15); opp. to of κρατουμένοι, Arist. Pol. 1.6,13 τὸ κρατοῦν the ruling power, Ib. 3. b. ¢o be superior, πλήθους ἕκατι Aesch., Pers. 338. 8. to be in the right, ὃ μὴ πειθόμενος «pare? Plat. Phaedr. 272 B:—to be the best, Critias 1. 7. d. of reports, etc., to prevail, become current, φάτις Κρατεῖ Aesch. Supp. 293, Soph. Aj. 978, cf. Aesch. Pers. 738; νόμιμα δὲ τὰ Χαλκιδικὰ ἐκράτησεν Thue. 6. 5; κρατεῖ φήμη Polyb. 9. 26, 11:—so also in Med., δεῖ ταῦτα κρατεῖσθαι Arist. Pol. 7. 13, 2, cf. Poét. 18, τι (ubi Codd. «poret- 2. c. inf. to prevail that, κρατοῦντες ὥστε μὴ τὰς πύλας . 842

• From Shunned (2018)

  After months of training and preparation, we were off. The next day, we joined thousands of riders from all over the country, covering the first fifty miles, pedaling past acres of freshly tilled earth where cornfields had stood. The weather cooperated beautifully both days, with dewy October mornings followed by sunny afternoons, red leaves flashing against a bright blue sky. I was in the best physical shape of my life. Volunteers waved flags and cheered us on as we approached the ninety-mile mark. Inside my head, I could hear my gym trainer’s mantra as he pushed me through a difficult series of weights. This is you, Linda, commanding your body to perform. This is you, exceeding your own limitations. Come on, now—send oxygen to those muscles. I knew I would finish as long as I kept breathing and refused to listen to the barking pain in my legs and rear. We crossed over a series of railroad tracks, and the houses started getting closer together. After a sweeping downward turn, we passed more volunteers, cheering us home. We’d reentered Bloomington, and the route flattened out. “We’re almost there!” Harper shouted. “I can almost taste the cold beer.” We crossed the line and raised our arms overhead, as if we’d just won the yellow jersey at the Tour de France. I was completely worn out and elated, both proud to have followed through on my goal and relieved this century season was over. I thought about calling my parents and sharing the moment with them but pushed the idea aside. That wasn’t what we did with each other anymore, and they would not have welcomed a call from me. Instead, I accepted a hug and a cold beer from Harper and partied with my fellow bikers. Chapter 19 I want to stand as close to the edge as I can. Out on the edge you see all kinds of things you can’t see from the center. —Kurt Vonnegut It was a muggy summer night, and I stood alone at the edge of Lake Michigan, near the north end of Oak Street Beach, gazing at the bright lights of my sparkling city. I saw the gallant lines of the Hancock Building, its two spires saluting the heavens, top lights blinking green, and, beyond it, the twin Sears Tower. All the buildings, large and small, seemed to dance in the sudorific night. Several months earlier, I had begun to immerse myself in the study of spirit and inspiration and was seeing the world with fresh eyes. It occurred to me all of this was a gigantic creative expression, a living testament to the collective dream of hundreds of people, architects, designers, government officials, laborers, and craftsmen. The reflection of these buildings sparkled across the still waters of the lake, right up to my toes. I felt a familiar yearning to be a contributor to this scene, to belong. What was my creative expression to be?

• From A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell-Scott) (1957)

  ἀνάσσω, impf. ἤνασσον Hom., Ep. dvacooy 1]. 1. 252: fut. ἀνάξω Il. 20. 180: Ep. aor. ἄναξα Hes. Th. 837:—rare in Med. and Pass., v. infr.: (like ἄναξ, it had the digamma, Favdoow, in Hom.). Poét. Verb, mostly used in pres., Zo be lord, master, owner, to rule, sway, as well of earthly lords as of tutelary deities; in Hom. mostly c. dat.,”Apyet, v7- σοισι, δώμασι, κτήμασιν οἷσι ἀν. to be lord, hold sway in Argos, etc. ; but also c. gen., Τενέδοιο, ᾿Αργείων, πεδίοιο ἀνάσσειν to be lord of Tenedos, etc., Il. 1. 38, etc.; c. gen. and dat. at once, ἐλπόμενον Tpw- εσσι ἀνάξειν... τιμῆς τῆς Πριάμου to be master of Priam’s sovereignty over the Trojans, Il. 20. 180, cf. Od. 24. 30; (so, γῆς ἀνάσσει Bap- βάροισι Eur. 1. T. 31); πάντων μὲν κρατέειν ἐθέλειν, πάντεσσι δ᾽ ἀνάσσειν, πᾶσι δὲ σημαίνειν 1]. 1. 288: also with a Prep., per’ ἀθανά- τοισι ἀνάσσειν to be first among the immortals, Il. 4. 61, cf. 23. 471; ἐν Βουδείῳ 16. 572; ἐν Φαίηξι Od. 7.62; παρὰ τὸν ᾿Αχέροντα Soph. ΕἸ. 184; ὑπὸ γαίας Ib. 841; with neut. Adj., Ζεῦ πάντ᾽ ἀνάσσων Id. Ο. T. go4;—in Hom. often with ἦφι added, Τενέδοιό τε ἴφι ἀνάσσεις rulest over T. with might, Il. r. 38; ἦφι ἀν. δώμασι, κτήμασι, etc., Od. 11. 275, etc.: absol., τῶν ἀνασσόντων the kings, Soph. Ph. 6:—Med. once in Hom., τρὶς ἀνάξασθαι γένεα ἀνδρῶν to be king for three genera- tions, i.e. to be thrice king, and each time through one generation, Od. 3. 245 :—Pass. to be ruled, ἀνάσσονται δ᾽ ἐμοὶ αὐτῷ 4. 177.—Com- mon also in Pind. and Trag., who use the same constructions. 0 in Trag. sometimes metaph. of things, κώπης ἀνάσσει Eur. Tel. 20; ὄχων ἀνάσσουσ᾽ Hel. 1040; στρατηγίας 1. T. 17; so, κούφου πηδήματος ἀνάσσων lord of the light leap (where some Edd. give ἀνάσσων, without explaining the constr. of πηδήματος), Aesch. Pers. 96; ἃ τῶν νυκτιπόλων ἐφόδων ἀνάσσεις, of Persephoné, Eur. Ion 1049 :—Pass., παρ᾽ ὅτῳ σκῆπ- Tpov ἀνάσσεται is held as lord, Soph. Ph. 140, cf. Arist. Rhet. 3. 2, 10: —yv. ἄναξ Iv, ἄνασσα 3, δεσπότης τι. av-acow, Att. for ἀναΐσσω. ἀναστἄδόν, Adv. (ἀνίστημι) standing up, Il. 9. 671., 23. 469. ἀναστἄλάω, to make trickle forth, Opp. C. 4. 324. ἀνασταλτικός, 7, Ov, fitted for checking, λύπης ΑΕ]. V. H. 7. 3. ἀνασταλύζω, strengthd. for σταλύζω, ἀσταλύζω, Anacr. 41. 4. ἀναστάς, f.1. for παστάς in Ap. Rh. 1. 780. ἀναστασία, late form for ἀνάστασις, Or. Sib. 4. 69, Byz. ἀναστάσιμος, ov, pertaining to the resurrection, Eccl.

• From A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell-Scott) (1957)

  ἀνασπάω, poét. ἀνστ--: (ν. σπάω). To draw or pull up, δίκτυον Solon 32. 3, cf. Hdt. 4. 154., 5.16; βύβλον ἐκ τῶν ἑλέων Id. 2. 92 ;— so in Med., ἐκ χροὸς ἔγχος ἀνεσπάσατ᾽ he drew his spear forth again; Il. 13. 574. b. to draw a ship up on land, like ἀνέλκω, Pind. P. 4. 48, Hdt. 7. 188, Thuc. 4. 9. 2. to draw or suck up greedily, aipa Aesch. Eum. 647; ἀν. ποτόν, τροφήν, etc., Arist. H. A. 1.16, 9, P. A. 2.17,15;3 but, ὕδωρ ἀν. to draw water, Thuc. 4. 97 :—Med., ἀν. ὑγρό- τητα to absorb, Hipp. Vet. Med. 17. 3. to draw back, τὴν χεῖρα Ar. Pl. 691. 4. to tear up, pull down, τὰ ἀγάλματα ἐκ τῶν βάθρων Hdt. 5.86; τὴν σκήνην Id. 7. 119; τὸ σταύρωμα Thuc. 6. 100; τύμβους Eur. Med.1381, cf. Bacch. 949; δένδρα Arist. H.A.2.1,6, al.; τὰς σανίδας τῆς γεφύρας Polyb. 2. 5, 5; πυλίδας Id. 5. 39, 4, etc. 5. metaph., ἀνασπᾶν λόγους, in Soph. Aj. 302, to draw forth words, to utter proud, offensive words, cf. Ar. Ran. 903 ;—the phrase may be explained from Plat. Theaet. 180 A (ὥσπερ ἐκ φαρέτρας pnuationa .. ἀνασπῶντες), and Menand. ‘Par. 7 (πόθεν .. τούτους ἀνεσπάκασιν οὗτοι τοὺς λόγους :); cf, also ἀποσπάω. 6. τὰς ὀφρῦς ἀνασπᾶν to draw up the eyebrows, and so put om a grave important air, τὰς ὀφρῦς ἀνεσπακὼς ὥσπερ τι δεινὸν ἀγγελῶν Ar. Ach. 1069, cf. Alex. ᾿Απεγλ. 2, Dem. 442.11; so, ἔβλεψε νᾶπυ καὶ τὰ μέτωπ᾽ ἀνέσπασεν Ar. Eq. 631; μέχρι νεφέων τὴν ὀφρὺν ἄν. Philem. Incert. 81, cf. Xen. Symp. 3, 10, and v. τοξο- ποιέω. II. to draw back, ἑαυτόν Hipp. 262. 35. ἘΠῚ: to carry away from home, Luc. Tox. 28; cf. ἀνασπαστός. ἀνασπογγίζω, to sponge clean, sponge well, τὸ ἕλκος Hipp.872H, Galen. ἄνασσα, 7, fem. of ἄναξ, a queen, lady, mistress, addressed to goddesses, Od. 3. 380., 6.175; esp. in Att. to Athena, Aesch. Eum. 228, 235, 443, ete. 2. to a mortal, Od. 6.149, Trag.—The word becomes common \ ΟἹ , 9 , ἀνάσσατος ---- ἀναστρέφω. in Poetry from Pind. downwds.; but rare in Prose, as Isocr. 203 D, Arist. Cypr. Rep. ; c. dat., Ap. Rh. 3. 862. 3. generally, like ἄναξ Iv, ἄνασσα mpayous καὶ βουλεύματος authoress of this deed, Eur. Fr. 704 ; ὀργίων Ar. Ran. 385. ΤΙ. as Adj. royal, ἀν. βουλή, of the Roman Senate, Epigr. Gr. 1046. 35. ἀν-ἀσσᾶτος, Dor. for ἀνήσσητος, Theocr. ἀνασσείασκε, v. dvacciw, ἀνάσσῦτοκ, ov, (ἀνασεύωλ) rushing back, driven back, Hipp. 645. 9.

• From A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell-Scott) (1957)

  ἀνατίθημι, fut. -θήσω: Acol. aor. ὀνέθεικα C. 1. 1766, cf. 3524. 9, 54, al. To lay upon, in Hom. only once, ἐλεγχείην ἀναθήσει μοι, like μῶμον ἀνάπτειν, Il. 22. 100; ἀν. ἄχθος to lay on as a burden, Ar. Eq. 1056; κινδύνους ἰδιώταις ἀν. Hyperid. Euxen. 24: but in good sense, ἀν. κῦδός TW Pind. O. 5. 17, cf. Lys. 110. 7. 2. in Prose, to refer, attribute, ascribe a thing to a person, μέγαλά of χρήματα ἀν. Hat. 2. 1353 οὐ γὰρ ἄν of πυραμίδα ἀνέθεσαν ποιήσασθαι would not have at- tributed to him the erection of the pyramid, Ib. 134; Φοίβῳ τήνδ᾽ ἀναθήσω πρᾶξιν Eur. El. 1296; εἰ μή, ὅταν... εὖ πράξητε, ἐμοὶ ἀναθή- cere will give me the credit of it, Thuc. 2. 64; οὐ τῷ συμβούλῳ τὴν τοῦ κατορθοῦν... ἀνέθηκε δύναμιν Dem. 322.21; ἀν. τινὶ τὴν αἰτίαν τινός Isocr. 10 B, Aeschin. 29. 25. b. ἀν. τινὶ πάντα πράγματα to lay them upon him, entrust them to him, Ar. Nub. 1453, Thuc. 8. 82 ; τὴν ἄμυναν eis τὸν χρόνον ἀν. to leave it .., Plut. 2. 817 C. IL. to set up as a votive gift, dedicate, consecrate, τινί τι Hes. Op. 656, Hdt. 2. 159., 7.54, Ar. Pl. 1089, etc. ; Ῥήνειαν ἀνέθηκε τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνι Thuc. 1. 13: hence the votive gift itself was ἀνάθημα, as ἀνάθημα ἀνατιθέναι Hat. 1. 53., 2.182: they commonly said dy. τι és Δελφούς, not ἐν Δελφοῖς, Id. I. 92., 2. 135, 182, Plat. Phaedr. 235 D, etc.; but ἐν Δελφοῖς Arist. Fr. 2. to preserve in mind, remember, Adv. ° Penna) « > 7ὔ 72 ἀνατίκτωῳ ---- αναυλος. 377 :—Pass., ἀνατεθῆναι Ar. Eq. 849 ; but ἀνάκειμαι is more freq. as the Pass. 2. simply zo set up, erect, βωμόν, νεών, etc., Polyb. 5.93, 10, Plut., etc. 3. metaph., ἀν. τι λύρᾳ (as in Horace commissi calores . . fidibus), Pind. P. 8. 41; also, dv. τὰς ἀκοὰς τοῖς ἀκροάμασι to give them wp to.., Polyb. 24. 5, 9. 4. to set up and leave in a place, ἀν. τινὰ ἐπὶ κρημνόν Ar. Pl. 69; ἀν. ζῶντα (on a cross), Polyb. 1. 86, 6. III. to put back, remove (cf. ἀναθετέονν, Ti yap παρ᾽ ἦμαρ ἡμέρα τέρπειν ἔχει, προσθεῖσα κἀναθεῖσα τοῦ γε κατθανεῖν ; by adding or putting off somewhat of the necessity of death (so Herm.), Soph. Aj. 476; so, prob., in Pind. O. 7. 110, μνασθέντι ἂμ πάλον μέλλεν θέμεν was about fo annul the lot for him when he mentioned it, v. Donalds. ad 1. (61); v. infr. Med. 1.

• From A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell-Scott) (1957)

  ἐπιστήμων, ov, gen. ονος, (ἐπίσταμαι) knowing, wise, prudent, ἐπ. βουλῇ τε vow τε Od. 16. 3743 ἄρχοντες Xen. Oec. 21, 5; ἐπιστήμων γὰρ εἶ -- ἐπίστασαι yap, Eur. Suppl. 843. 2. acquainted with a thing, skilled or versed in, c. aes κακῶν Soph. Fr. 5143; τῆς θαλάσσης, Tov ναυτικοῦ Thuc. 1. 142., 8.453; τῆς τέχνης Plat. Gorg. 448 B; also περί τινος or τι Id. Rep. 599 B, etc.; with a neut. Adj. used as ‘Adv. τὰ προσήκοντα ἐπιστήμων Xen. Cyr. 3. 3, 9, cf. Oec. 2, 16. 3. C. inf. knowing how, λέγειν τε καὶ σιγᾶν Plat. Phaedr. 276 A, cf. Xen. Oec. 19, 16.—Comp. -ονέστερος, Plat. Charm, 174 A.—Adv., ἐπιστημόνως with knowledge, skilfully, λέγειν Id. Theaet. 207 B; ἔχειν πρός τι Id. Soph. 233 C: Comp. -έστερον, Xen. Oec. 3, 14; Sup. -ἔστατα, Plat. Rep. 534 Ὁ. IT. possessed of perfect knowledge, Id. Polit. 301 B, etc.; opp. to δοξαστής, Id. Theaet. 208 E; in Arist., scientifically versed ina thing, An. Post. I. 6, 4, Categ. 8, 41. ἐπιστήριγμα, τό, a support, LXXx (2 Regg. 22.19). ἐπιστηρίζω, fut. fw, to make to lean on, τί τινι Opp. C. 4. 256: —Pass. to be supported, Arist. Probl. 22.13; τινι Luc. Indoct.6; ἐπί τινα Lxx (Ex. 17. 12). ἐπιστητέον, verb. Adj. from ἐπίσταμαι, one must know, Gramm. ἐπιστητικός, ή, ov, scientific, ἕξις Clem. Al. 468. ἐπιστητός, N, OV, (énlorapat) that can be scientifically known, matter of science, Plat. Theaet. 201 D, Arist., etc.; τὸ ἐπιστητόν Id. Eth. N.6. 3. 3, al. ἐπιστιγμή, ἡ, @ point or dot upon a thing, Aen. Tact. 31. ἐπιστίζω, fut. fw, to mark with spots on the surface, to speckle, Nic. Th. 332 :—Pass. to be spotted or speckled, Theophr. H. P. 3. 7,53 τῷ νώτῳ οἱ σημεῖα ἐπέστικται Ael. N. A. 11. 24; 6 ἐπεστιγμένος ‘Aen. Tact. 31. —In Moer. and Hesych., ἐπι-στίζω. --στίγμα, for ἐπι-σίζω, -σιγμα. ἐπιστίλβω, to glisten on the surface, Plut. Lys. 28, Luc. Amor. 26. ἐπίστιον, τό, in Od. 6. 265, νῆες .. εἰρύαται" πᾶσιν γὰρ ἐπίστιόν ἐστιν ἑκάστῳ, where the sense seems to be, every one has a shed (for his ship). The Ancients were at a loss as to the word: Aristarch. took it to be Ion. for ἐφέστιον (which in the new Ion. of Hdt. certainly is ἐπίστιον, v. sub EPETTLOS) ; but elsewh. Hom. always uses the form ἐφέστιος, and one expl. (given in the Scholl. is ἐποίκιον, νεώριον .., παρὰ τὸ ἵστιον. ἐπ-ίστιοϑ, ov, Ion. for ἐφέστιος. ἐπιστιχάομαν, Dep. = ἐπιστείχω, Nom. Jo. 4. 2ο6. ἐπιστοβέω, to scoff at, Ap. Rh. 3. 663., 4.1725. ἐπιστοιβάζω, to pile up, pack together, Lxx (Lev. 1. 7, 8, 12). ἐπιστοίβασιϑ, εως, 7), a piling 1b, Eust. 744. 5. ἐπιστολάδην [a], Adv. (ἐπιστέλλω 11), girt up, neatly, of dress, like ἀνε- σταλμένως, Hes. Sc. 287. ἐπιστολεύς, éws, 77, (emanen) secretary, τοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος C. I. 5900, cf. Suid, 5, ν. ἐπιστέλλει. II. among the Spartans, an admiral 555

• From A Greek-English Lexicon (Liddell-Scott) (1957)

  καταχράομαι, fut. - χρήσομαι: pf. - κέχρημαι both in act. and pass. senses, Vv, infr.: aor. -εχρήσθην, v. infr. 11. 3: Dep. To make full use of, apply, τινι els .. , ἐπί... πρός τι, Plat. Legg. 700 B, Rep. 520 A, Crat. 426 E; μάρτυσι (vulg. μάντεσι) κ. πρὸς τὸ .. Id. Phileb. 51 A; κ. ἡ φύσις ἐν παρέργῳ τῇ .. ἀναπνοῇ πρὸς τὴν ὄσφρησιν Arist. de Resp. 7, 3» cf. Sens. 5, 10, 8]. ; λόγους .. οἷσπερ νυνὶ κατακέχρηται (in act. sense), Dem. 939.53 «. τινι ἐν καιρῷ πράξεως Isocr. 42D; κενῇ προφάσει ταύτῃ κατέχρω Dem. 277. 17; c. acc. (sil. vera), τὴν -. ὑπερβολὴν ἐπὶ βοήθειαν κ. ἡ φύσις Arist. P. A. 3. 2, 17 :—absol. in part. pf. in pass. sense, ἐξεύρημα ... ᾿Αθήνησιν .. KaTaceypnuévov ἐν συμποσίοις ἤδη ᾽στέ has already become fashionable there, Amphis. Διθ. 2. II. to do what one likes with a person or thing, καταχρήσασθέ μοι, εἰ δοκῶ ToLod- τος εἶναι Aeschin. 17. 19: and so, 1. to use to the uttermost, use up, consume, of money, c. acc., Lys. 153. 40τ, 154. 2: to lay out, apply money, εἴς τι Dem, 1186.3, C. 1. 1845. 34, 2525 ὃ. 86; ἐνταῦθα on this, ᾧ Dem. 1154.16; pf. in act. sense, ὅσα κατακέχρημαι ᾿Αθήνῃσι Diog. L. 5. καταχρειόομαι --- καταψύχω. 69, Isocr. 55 Ὁ :—but in Pass. #0 be spent, consumed, exhausted. ΟἹ to misuse, misapply, abuse, Dem. 430. το; c. dat., τῇ τῶν προγόνων δόξῃ Plat. Menex. 247A; κ. ὀνόματι to use it in a wrong sense, misapply it, Arist. Cael. 1.3, 13, Strab. 210; χρῆσθαι ταῖς gintais, ov κ᾿ Synes., 200 A also c. acc., κ. THY σχολὴν εἰς τοῦτο Dionys. Com. ‘Opwyr. 2, C.1. 2448. VIII. 9; cf. καταχρηστιπός. 8. of persons, in bad sense, fo make away with, destroy, kill, c. acc., Hdt. τ. 82, 117., 4.146, Polyb. 1. 85, 1 —so also aor. καταχρησθῆναι, but in pass. sense, Hdt. 9. 120. IIT. to pretend, allege, ws ..Dem. 1062.14; ὅτι .. 1179.8. B. the Act. kataypdw is used only by Ion. writers, and by them only in 3 sing., ἀντὶ λόφου ἡ λοφιὴ κατέχρα the mane sufficed them for a crest, Hdt. 7. 70; elsewhere impers. it is enough, it suffices, οὐδέ οἱ καταχρήσει .. ὑμέων ἀπέχεσθαι nor will he be satisfied to keep his hands off you, Id. 4. 118; ὥς οἱ καταχρᾷ εἰ βούλονται that it is sufficient for him, if .., Id. 7. 1643 καταχρήσει it will suffice, Phoenix Col. ap. Ath. 360 A of. χρή, ἀποχράω. καταχρειόομαι, Pass. to be ill-treated, κατηχρειωμένη Anth. P. 9. 203. καταχρεμετίζω, strengthd. for χρεμ--, Cyrill., Eust. Opusc. 264. 343 in Med., Walz Rhett. 1. 604.